Democratic principles have been knocked down and dragged out of the political arena in a free for all between presumptuous self-proclaimed “democrats” utterly unversed in the canon they purport to subscribe and a demonised “majoritarians” shut out from the debate and condemned as unlettered obscurantists for attempting to support Citizenship Amendment Act by applying the very principles the “democrats” claim to abide by.

It is the ability to make dialogue across differences which is the stamp of a liberal. This is also the psychological aspect of citizenship creating as it does a sense of belonging and consequently contributing to strengthening of social cohesion. A post-nationalist identity recognised in the norms and values of the Constitution not in ethnocultural markers has been abandoned by these “democrats” to impose a universalist model citizenship which is difference blind.  Celebration of difference is no longer a virtue for such “democrats”. This is apparent in the virulence of their comments on Citizenship Amendment Act.

The Act amends Section 2 of the original Act which defined “illegal migrant” by adding a proviso that Hindu, Sikh, Buddhist, Jain, Parsi or Christian community from Afghanistan, Pakistan and Bangladesh who entered India before 31st day of December, 2014 exempted from Passport (Entry into India) Act, Foreigner’s Act or rule or order made thereunder shall not be treated as illegal migrants under the Act. Special provision as to citizenship is made for these persons in Section 6B while excluding tribal areas in the Sixth Schedule and Inner Line identified by Bengal Eastern Frontier Regulations and changes made in The Third Schedule of the Act.

This amendment is the application of differentiated citizenship through acknowledgment of multicultural rights. The exempted groups are admittedly smaller groups in larger societies with unique identity and values fighting against their cultural assimilation into the larger group and the resultant annihilation of their beliefs, behaviours and attitudes. They are disadvantaged groups facing alienation. At risk is their heritage the status of a subaltern in their relationship with the majority.

This is an intelligible differentia distinguishing them from community excluded and their protection through grant of citizenship by India is the celebration of the values of Liberty, Equality, Fraternity and Justice mentioned in the Preamble. If the Preamble has to be waved it is in celebration of its ideals and creed in the Citizenship Amendment Act not in the condemnation of the same. Differential treatment does not per se constitute violation of Article 14 and denial of equal protection arises only when there is no reasonable basis for differentiation. As stated there is a basis for the differentiation. Moreover principle of equality does not mean that every law must have universal application for all persons varying circumstances permitting separate treatment. And remedying of any mischief can always be done in stages. Exclusion of any country (Myanmar) or any community (Rohingyas or Ahmadis) therefore, will not by itself justify the criticism of violation of Article 14. Rohingyas are reported to have created several terrorist organizations and a few terrorist organizations in Pakistan are assisting these outfits. And with no details of a significant number of Ahmadis amongst the refugees in India the necessity to include them in the Amendment Act does not arise. The exclusion therefore is not based on religion alone. In any event the Citizenship Act as originally enacted recognises jus sanguinis thus not making ethnicity is not irrelevant to citizenship. And the sub-classification made by the Amendment Act, as already stated, is legal.

The liberal concept of citizenship after all lies in protection by law and confers on a citizen a legal status and the resultant right to participate in the affairs of the community. It was the absence the absence of this right which made the migrant leave her country. The movement to the destination country was not to seek employment or merely to settle or reside as a migrant; it was instead like an asylum seeker or a refugee who is forced to move across national boundaries and who cannot return home safe. Those beating their chests invoking the principle of non-refoulement – the foundation of international refugee law  while demanding it for Rohingyas, seemed to have forgotten it when it comes to the exempted communities under the Citizenship Act.

It is pertinent to refer to the complaint with regard to change in the cut-off date (25th day of March, 1971) as contained in Section 6A, Special Provision as to citizenship covered by the Assam Accord. The point which such a complaint misses is that the conditions contained in Section 6A(3) are cumulative and require for their applicability, apart from the said date, the detection of a person as a “foreigner” which is defined by the Foreigner’s Act as a person who is not a citizen of India and the Parliament retains the power under Article 11 to make any provision as to acquisition or termination of citizenship. The Amendment Act is in terms of Article 11. There is no violation of Section 6A. Even otherwise there will not be any substantial change in the demography of the State and the cultural insularity which the protests in Assam show conflict with and are detrimental to the principles of equality, liberty and rule of law as not to provide any justification for the opposition to the Citizenship Amendment Act.

No right of any minority in India is affected by the amendment. Their self-governance and autonomy remains in tact. While the rights of the citizens remain in tact, the rights of refugees (as opposed to migrants) are restored and sought to be preserved. It is a rational application of multicultural politics and egalitarian policies addressing the issue of alienation of disadvantaged groups in certain countries. The rights conferred are non-rivalrous as not to affect the existing citizenry and the classification to restore this benefit is not only intelligible but has a rational nexus with the object behind grant of citizenship. The Amendment Act is clearly the application of universalistic legal principles and not re-enforcement of cultural moorings of those being granted the benefit. All minorities (those covered by the Amendment Act and such as exist in the country) are being treated on par and being conceded the same advantages. It is nothing but triumph of the principles which the country holds dear.

AZADI!!!!! Really???

Should those clamouring for “Azadi” become free I will not be able to comment. But I am free today to conjecture the consequences…
Freedom to disfigure the country- Azadi for Kashmir
Freedom to disable the law – Azadi from Sedition
Freedom to distort the facts – “Murder” of Rohith
Freedom to disparage the critics – “Persecution” of Nivedita Menon
Freedom to debase the opponents – “Half Pants”, “Hit Jobs” & “Reactionaries”
Freedom from discipline – “Curbs” on Universities
Freedom to disenfranchise difference – Its “fascism”
Freedom to dominate, dissimulating enslavement – Invoking “minorities” & “dalits”
Freedom to deliver the last word – we “think” you “hate”
Freedom to dismantle while pretending defense – In the name of Constitution
Freedom to Doublethink freedom
Freedom to end all freedom itself!





Two words which the American television comedian Stephen Colbert coined – Truthiness and Wikiality -are very appropriate to the political discourse in India.

Truthiness means a claim which feels right without regard to facts. And Wikiality means, in the words of Colbert himself, a concept that together we can create a reality that we agree on. Any user could change any entry on Wikipedia and if enough users agree it becomes true.

The constant refrain today is:”India is intolerant and discriminates against minorities.” Considering the close proximity in time to the incidents which provoke such comments the allegation may not feel wrong but that does not mean it is true. The comment only has truthiness to it without being the truth.  This is because of the bias implicit in the comment. I refer to “confirmation bias” – seeking information that confirms one’s belief without paying as much attention to alternative possibilities which may be relevant for a complete assessment. Thus Muzaffarnagar, Dadri, Hyderabad dominate discourse not Kashmiri Pandits, Malda, nor attack on students singing Vande Matram, nor the Kawarias injured for taking Lord Shiva’s name while passing through a Muslim locality nor  even the poor dog who was hanged to mark the death anniversary of an RSS functionary.

This happens because of Wikiality. Gather people and make their consensus the reality. Repeated mentioning of one set of wrongs is meant suggest it exhausts the whole list of wrongs and then conclude these are the only wrongs in the country. So a reality which is created is actually an invented lie. And in this reality death of Yakub Memon is more potent than the life of T.J.Joseph who had his hand chopped off by members of Popular Front of India for allegedly insulting the Prophet nor even the lives of the 16 Hindu leaders who were killed in 18 months in Tamil Nadu.

Any kind of crime is bad. No intolerance is acceptable. But to unperson some and exclude them altogether from consideration recognising only a category of incidents and individuals as worthy of attention is creating new Dalits in national discourse, the new Pariahs of modern India.